July crisis of the power. New Provisional government. October revolution.

Passing in June, 1917 I-й the All-Russia congress of working and soldier's deputies has shown popularity of Councils and the Provisional government inconsistency. Its appeals to an absolute war and fidelity to allies seldom meet the response in weights, whereas Council slogans: «the end to war», «factories – to workers», «the earth – to peasants» invariably meet the most active support at numerous levels of population. Actually in hands of the Council leaning against support of a considerable part of the soldier, sailors and workers more than the real power rather than at Provisional government, more and more formal controls.

Failure of June approach of the Russian army at the front for which so the Provisional government hoped, and resignation of ministers-cadets in connection with disagreements on the Ukrainian question again (after April, 1917) have created a crisis situation. Of it Bolsheviks have hastened to take advantage – contrary to requirements of Council they have tried to make revolution. In the morning 03.07.1917 armed demonstration organised by them with slogans «All power to Councils!» Has gone to Petrograd Council, demanding Provisional government overthrow. At the corner of Neva and Garden there was an armed conflict to Provisional government parts. (600 persons) were lost. However the idea of armed revolt in broad masses of support has not met. Attempt of Bolsheviks to seize power has failed, and him it was necessary to go underground urgently since 06.07.1917 Provisional government has published the warrant of arrest of Bolshevist leaders: Lenin, Zinoveva and Kameneva (to which, however, managed to disappear easily).

After attempt of revolution the Provisional government has combined powers and has retired. The new Office has headed A.F.Kerensky (in old structure of the government – the military and sea minister). The outstanding orator, Kerensky acted at the slightest pretext in any place, revelling in the power over an audience, and the first a great prestige almost in all social classes.
A.F.Kerensky (19881-1970) – unique of all structures of Provisional government was in power from February till October, 1917: since February till May – the Minister of Justice, since May till July – the military and sea minister, since July – the minister-chairman, and from September till October – simultaneously and a supreme commander in chief.
Becoming in the first days of February revolution the deputy of Petrograd council of working and soldier's deputies, Kerensky at its first session (27.02.1917) has been selected by vice-president Petrosoveta. Almost simultaneously the post of the Minister of Justice in Provisional government has been offered it. Despite the resolution of Petrosoveta on nonparticipation in Provisional government, Kerensky 02.03.1917 has accepted the offered ministerial portfolio, having promised Council to be truly national minister, i.e. to protect the working people rights. In March 1917 Kerensky has officially entered party of socialists-revolutionaries (eserov), having become one of the most authoritative and its appreciable members.
Holding ministerial posts, initiated such decisions of Provisional government, as amnesty of political prisoners, declaration of a freedom of speech, meetings, the press, activity of political parties, cancellation of national and religious restrictions, a recognition of independence of Poland, restoration of the constitution of Finland. Under its direct pressure grand duke Michael Aleksandrovich has made decision (03.03.1917) to refuse from the rights to the Russian throne. Has carried out replacement of imperial bank notes on so-called "kerenki" – an original monetary substitute. (Deprived of traditional monetary requisites – numbers, series, year of release, "kerenki" promptly depreciated). Has made considerable efforts for restoration of military discipline in army on fleet (has renewed the death penalty, has entered revolutionary-military courts).
To autumn of 1917 position at the front continues to worsen; the peasants grasped sotsialistskimi by slogans, do not wish to continue war and are torn to divide landowners' estates home. In a city shortage of the foodstuffs (since Petrograd has been cut off by war from traditional suppliers of products – Baltic and Belarus, and faults on railways complicated supply from accessible chernozemnyh areas) amplifies, Antisemitic moods which unlike spring any more do not meet general condemnation (Jews grow accuse that they ostensibly intentionally hide products, wishing to make profit of deficiency).
14.08.1917 Nikolay II (Romanov) together with a family has been sent from Petrograd to Tobolsk.

In these conditions when the left moods have grasped not only city bottoms, but also the most part of Councils, the leader right – the Supreme commander in chief general L.G.Kornilov (appointed to this post Kerensky 19.07.1917) suggests Provisional government to return strict measures a situation, first of all in capital, under the control of authorities, namely: to generate Petrograd front (it was for this purpose necessary to transfer Petrograd military district under command of the Supreme rate), to enter in a city the martial law and, leaning against reliable regiments (an island on the Cossack parts) to destroy a distemper and decomposition source – all carriers of the left moods.

Aspiring to keep by means of Kornilova the control over army, the minister-chairman of Provisional government (Kerensky) has agreed on the plan of the commander-in-chief. For its realisation the transfer, true to Kornilovu of military units to Petrograd from 25.08.1917 has begun. However Kerensky, being afraid of strengthening of positions of the popular general in army, "forgets" the arrangements – at session of the government 26.08.1917 it declares actions of the commander-in-chief mjatezhom. As a result operating Office resigns, having given Kerensky emergency powers.
Formally having caught in the hands exclusive imperious powers, Kerensky, nevertheless, has no real forces and means for "mutiny" suppression. That it can make all – discharges Kornilova of a post. Meanwhile "the rebellious" general is not going to reverse. Proving the actions as protection of Petrograd against a possible German landing, it continues to move ahead promptly to capital. For preservation of the position Kerensky addresses for the help to socialists (including to Bolshevik party), to Councils, working groups. It gives the order on arms of workers and an unbinding of the arrested Bolsheviks.

Lifted by Bolsheviks capital garrison and working weights for protection «freedom and revolutions» by August, 30th have stopped movement kornilovskih armies to Petrograd. (Under the influence of Bolshevist propaganda Cossacks have refused to obey to the generals). As a result Kornilov has been arrested. In the same put (30.08.1917) new Supreme commanders in chief Kerensky has appointed itself.

01.09.1917 the new temporary controls by the state – so-called Council of five or the Directory which has headed Kerensky have been generated. Thus, in Russia the republic has been proclaimed. On September, 4th 1917 order of the minister-chairman recommended to dismiss the revolutionary-military committees created for struggle with kornilovshchinoj. (This order is real has not been executed).
After arrest of Kornilova there has come the two-month period of calm – both parties as though waited: who the first will begin. The head of the Directory, eser Kerensky supported association of democratic fractions (in particular for block creation eserov with cadets; the last were supporters of continuation of war) and formation of the coalition government. However its party fellows did not support this idea. (Their program of actions assumed the termination of war with Germany, property repartition, wide social transformations).

At sharp polarisation of moods in a society, rupture increase between groups imushchih and deprived, the authority Kerensky, taking centrist positions, promptly fell among the most various levels of population. Caring of preservation of the image of the national revolutionary minister, Kerensky was the opponent of strict measures, under the prevention of Bolshevist revolt. Still assured of the authority among soldiers he believed that at the crucial moment the majority of parts of Petrograd garrison will support it.
In capital slump in production proceeded, inflation, unemployment, discontent among urban population and sailors-baltijtsev grew. Estimating a current situation in Petrograd as the most convenient for capture of the power 01.10.1917 Central party committee of Bolsheviks makes the decision on armed revolt. (Having received from hands of Provisional government the weapon for suppression kornilovskih forces, the Bolsheviks leaning against revolutionary-military committees and groups krasnogvardejtsev, have solved "a material" problem of realisation of revolution).

Throughout October the government preferred to observe of succession of events passively. Only when Bolsheviks have started to take under the direct control military units of capital garrison (in the night from 22 for October, 23rd), Kerensky has called members of the Directory for resolute actions. At Preparliament session on October, 24th he reports on the beginning Bolsheviks of armed revolt and demands granting to it of special powers. However the necessary moment is already missed.
The first and solving course was made by Bolsheviks. In the night from 24 for October, 25th by order of Trotsky (he headed then a staff of Bolsheviks in Smolnom) after an alarm shot from a cruiser "Aurora" the armed groups of soldiers and workers have rushed into the Winter palace and have arrested ministers of Provisional government sitting there. (Arrested persons have placed in the Peter and Paul Fortress). Lenin has arrived in Smolnyj when all has been actually successfully complete – the power almost without a uniform shot has passed to Bolsheviks.
At the disposal of Bolsheviks was about 7 thousand revolutionary soldiers and sailors, at Provisional government – about 2 thousand defenders from cadets and soldiers of the Female battalion.

This very day (25.10.1917) in Smolnom II th All-Russia congress of the Councils which have proclaimed the beginning of the new power has opened. This day the new government – Council of national commissioners (Sovnarkom) led by Lenin has been generated. And in the morning 26.10.1917 Petersburgers from the leaflets stuck in streets have learnt about the transition which has taken place the day before of the power in hands of Bolsheviks and have read posters with the first decrees – «About the world» and «About the earth».
On October, 29th, 1917 the cadet of the Nikolaev engineering school have tried to make counterrevolution – they have grasped a city telephone exchange, hotel "Astoria" and have started to disarm krasnogvardejtsev; to the aid it send the cadet of the Vladimir school. However revolt has been severely suppressed by superior forces.
Reaction of inhabitants of Petrograd to October revolution was non-uniform - for rough pleasure to fierce hatred. Promises of a personal freedom, creativity, general equality much turned heads (and not only the city poor, ljumpenam and so forth to outcasts). On mankie Bolshevist assurances were pecked"also by prominent representatives of creative intelligency. For example, A.Blok has positively responded to events of October by 1917 poem"Twelve"which one, supporting a new mode, have accepted with delight (S.Yesenin, M.Gorky), and it has caused alienation in others, they have ceased to offer to the poet a hand (N.Gumilev, Z.Gippius).

The poem has been published 18.02.1918 in eserovskoj to the newspaper "a work Banner". Subsequently (in February of 1919) the fact of the publication of poetic product in the publication eserov has formed the basis for arrest of the Block and its charge in cooperation with eserami. (However, on another put the poet have released). That welcoming freedom in all its displays, the Block has begun work on a poem in 2 days is remarkable also after Bolsheviks have proclaimed dictatorship, having dispersed the Constituent assembly (06.01.1918) in which their party has not received the majority of votes.

In the environment of the higher bureaucratic echelons of Petersburg (the officials, the serving top echelon) wreck of a bourgeois order is first perceived as a short-term episode in Russian history and in own way welcomed, as natural "vengeance" Kerensky and to its friends-socialists, guilty in Nikolay II deposition. Many even preferred Kerensky (which by this moment considered as the scoundrel) Lenin - the open enemy. The belief in fast falling of a Lenin mode has been rather extended not only in circles of Russian officials, but also merchant class and officers. A waiting attitude supported with inexplicable confidence of the spontaneous termination of the power of Bolsheviks, the most part of the Petersburg intelligency occupied also.

The few have sharply negatively estimated an establishment of the Soviet mode. So Z.Gippius (the Russian poetess, the political publicist, the mistress of one of the most influential Petersburg literary salons) and its adherents (D.Merezhkovsky, D.Filosofov) after October revolution enter at once open counteraction with the new power: Gippius has established correspondence with the arrested members of Provisional government (in its opinion it is unique an overall objective for which representatives of different parties of the former Provisional government should unite, - to fall down the power of Bolsheviks); in liberal, eserovskih editions there are its articles, ponosjashchie Lenin and in general Bolsheviks - "… terrorists and criminals …"; it co-operates with the white movement headed by Kornilovym. Already in emigration in France Gippius has published the book "Kingdom of Anticrist" - about Bolshevist board in Russia.